The Druze
community in Lebanon has not often been seen in the western media but it has
always played an integral role in Lebanese politics and it is wise to
understand how they interact with other political groups within the country. The
most important political representation of the Druze in the country is the Progressive
Socialist Party led by the veteran Walid Joumblatt, whose recent shift to
support the opposition in Syria can give us a glimpse of the workings of power
within Lebanon, and the changing balance of power within the Levant.
The Progressive
Socialist Party, founded by Walid Joumblatt’s father Kamal in 1949, has been an
important player in Lebanese politics throughout the civil war and the uneasy
peace that followed. Joumblatt has proved to be a pragmatic leader able to
achieve a continually high degree of representation for those Druze loyal to
him and ensuring that his Party has been able to retain key Ministries such as
the Ministry of the Displaced. He has led the PSP since his father’s
assassination in 1977, and has proved to be one of Lebanon’s great survivors as
allies and opponents alike have been killed or fled abroad. This history and
the position of the Druze as one of many minorities in Lebanon has led to
Joumblatt to seek the protection and advancement of his support base above all,
switching alliances at crucial times in Lebanese history.
Since
the end of the Lebanese civil war the
country’s communities have carved out shares of the state seeking jobs and
privilege for their supporters. Nabih Berri’s Shia has taken hold of the
council for the south, the council for development and reconstruction to the
Sunni’s, the Fund and Ministry of the displaced to the Druze and so on (1) with
the purpose of seeking control of these Ministries to ensure the allotment of
the resources of the state and to provide jobs and advancement for Druze loyal
to Joumblatt. The Lebanese
state and its bureaucracy was not constructed with efficiency of public service
provision in mind, instead it has been designed not to upset the Sectarian
balance that has held since the end of the civil war.
Joumblatt has shifted alliances over time
to ensure the continued protection of the PSP’s status within the state and has
allied with Hezbollah, with Al-Hariri’s faction, as well as having a variable
relationship with the regional powers, especially with Syria whose sphere of
influence the PSP has moved in and out of as its regional power has waned and
then resurged. The PSP originally began as one of the many socialist movements
across the Arab world after the Second World War and during the Civil war was
allied militarily with leftist and Pro-Palestinian forces against Israel, its
proxies and Syria.
Since this point the PSP have been involved in Government
consistently to ensure the continued access to state resources for its
constituents. The events of February 2005, the assassination of Rafik Hariri
and the withdrawal of Syrian Soldiers from Lebanon provided a challenge and an
opportunity for the Joumblatt to gain greater influence in the power vacuum
appeared in the Lebanese political scene. The Syrian withdrawal has opened up
new networks of control for political actors in Lebanon- what was once
dominated by Syria and used to enrich the elites around the Syrian leadership
is now under control of a new generation of political elites in Lebanon.
The long-term challenge for Joumblatt is how the Druze deal with the
continuing growth in strength of Hezbollah, particularly as the Shiites, which
Hezbollah represents, encompass a far greater degree of the population than the
Druze who have power and influence beyond the size of the community. This
challenge has been seen in the way in which the Joumblatt has reacted both
towards Hezbollah but also the continuing uprisings against the government of
Assad in Syria. Since shifting back towards the Syrian sphere of influence the
PSP has switched sides in the Lebanese Parliament and allowed the Hezbollah
dominated block in June last year to form a government under Prime Minister
Mikati, Joumblatt had realized that the best way to protect Druze interests was
to join Hezbollah in forming a government. Yet now he has publicly shown his
support for the uprisings in Syria, being photographed holding a sign saying
Homs at a vigil in Lebanon.
Joumblatt is a canny politician and his reading of the situation in
Syria must not be underestimated; he is seeking to ensure his position in the shifting political
landscape of Lebanese politics with the new possibility of a Post-Assad Syria
but also seeking to ensure the continued existence of the patronage networks
that keep his followers loyal and ready to vote for his party in elections or
to come onto the streets when he requests them to.
Walid Joumblatt
and the Druze of Lebanon are the winners of the confessional system at the
current moment, they have long held influence greater than their numbers, they constitute
perhaps 6% of the Lebanese population yet have power through the confessional system of
Government, which Lebanon has maintained since independence. The PSP have
continued to punch above their weight politically and have held key Ministries
through the rule of multiple governments and this has enabled Walid Joumblatt
to reinforce his support base with the apportionment of Government funds.
His support of the Syrian opposition
shows the fluidity nature of the balance of power in Syria. The build up of
violence by security forces has caused this shift of calculation and Jumblatt must
have seen in the shifting political forces potential benefits to his people,
whether in the potential success of the Syrian opposition or more likely
potential positives coming from improved relations with regional and
international powers. Joumblatt’s behaviour shows us that the Lebanese
political scene is adaptive and mortal enemies can end up as allies their feuds
forgotten. The priorities of the leaders are survival and protection of their
communities, Joumblatt has successfully led the Druze and survived civil war
and the peace that followed by cleverly negotiating changing political
conditions, anticipating possible fall out from crises and keeping his
followers loyal. He has been one of the ultimate survivors in Lebanese politics
and if he sees the winds of change in Syrian politics we would be wise to heed
him.
References
1.
Mattar, M.F (2004) On Corruption, In Salam, N (eds)
Options for Lebanon, Centre For Lebanese Studies, I.B. Tauris London
2.
Flanagan, S.T and Abdel-Samad,
M (2009) Hezbollah’s Social Jihad: Non-profits as Resistance Organizations,
Middle East Policy Vol XVI, Summer 2009, Middle East Policy Council.
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